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August 30, 2007

Comments

zerohour

If this story has any truth to it, isn't the party revealing quite a bit about its plans ahead of time?

JB

The proclamation claimed here is from before Spring 2007. That I've only recently encountered it, and as there is basically zero reporting coming from Bhutan, it's hard to know what has happened or is currently afoot.

In 1996, Kazembe Balagun wrote the first article in the United States (aside from notice in the RCP's Revolutionary Worker) about the initiation of the People's War in Nepal. There wasn't a mainstream notice in the Anglo-American press for years, and with the exception of an article by Li Onesto in Z and some news digesting by me in The Indypendent there continues to be de facto censorship about Nepal – even after the relatively successful republican civil movement in Katmandu.

These are truly countries at the ends of the earth, as seen from here (and even in Asia). The juncture region between Nepal, India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, the Tibetan region of China and China is one of the true wilds of the earth.

There are many rebel and regional movements – but the People's War strategy has profoundly changed the political calculus everywhere it has taken shape – so I note the launch of such wars with hope and expectation.

repeater

It seems to me that there has always been an interesting tension between operational security and boldly telling the enemy exactly what you intend to do. The latter, if done correctly, has the effect of demoralizing the enemy when they cannot stop you. The key is to find exactly that spot where state interference, or attempts to stop an action, actually reinforces it. As well as to find those spots where the state has very little or no ability to interfere at all, such as in areas of the country that are not well controlled.

For instance setting forward a list of demands, then met with police attacks, thus making the demands even more pressing for the people at large, etc.

With respect to the other, development in areas where the state has little control carries fewer risks. But again, when you show your ability to go against the state as a sovereign, especially when you have announced very clearly your intention to do so, even if you choose to do so in an area where they don't have control, you have just posed the illegitimacy of that sovereignty, even in the eyes of its own operatives.

In other words, they win a political victory if they survive long enough to launch the uprising. And if they've planned well enough and are working in places of little, or contested, state authority already, it is highly unlikely that they will be crushed prior to a launching of PW.

repeater

The more central issue is whether the conditions in Bhutan lend themselves to a successful uprising, and or PW. This is an analysis and decision which should probably be left in the hands of those undertaking the analysis and organizing in Bhutan itself.

Andrei Mazenov

I am excited to hear that the CPB-(MLM) has grown in such a way that it now has a basis to launch a new democratic revolution under the leadership of the working class soon, and could have many contradictory effects...

On one hand, it could represent a great leap and strengthening of the Maoist people's wars already going on in Nepal and India, and bring inspiration to the growing Communist movements in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

On the other hand, it could also certainly provoke the rancor of the Indian Army, which would undoubtedly be an immensely powerful enemy to deal with. But the Bhutanese people have Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on their side, and when we look to places like China, Vietnam, and (to an extent) Nepal, we see that it is people, not weapons, that determine warfare.

Let us hope that the Bhutanese masses can victoriously seize power in a way that helps bring about a new socialist state in South Asia, especially with the International Communist Movement being in such a precarious position. Woohoo!

Christopher Day

Woohoo?

I agree that this is potentially exciting news. But Andrei's post is a sort of condensed collection of Maoist platitudes that really should be viewed critically. In that spirit some questions:

What is the basis of the claim that this is under "the leadership of the working class"? What is the social composition of the CPB(MLM)? What is the class structure of Bhutan? What do we mean, precisely, by "working class" in this instance? Does Bhutan have an industrial proletariat? What is the weight of other sectors of workers (rural, commercial, etc...)?

What does it mean to say "the Bhutanese people have Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on their side"? What is the actual program of the CPB(MLM)? How well grounded is it in a correct analysis of the situation in Bhutan and the situation of Bhutan internationally?

Finally it is people WITH weapons that determine warfare. So, what are the military capacities of the Bhutanese state? What are the factors favoring or working against an Indian intervention? What are the prospects for the CPB(MLM) to effectively arm itself? What is the physical and political terrain of Bhutan like?

We can't answer all of these questions to our satisfaction as of yet. But I would rather read attempts to do so than cheerleading (even if a little cheerleading is in order as well).

Christopher Day

Repeater, while I look forward to reading analyses coming out of Bhutan itself and agree that they should be viewed as deserving special attention, as revolutionaries we need to school ourselves on the social and political situation there using the (scholarly, journalistic, etc...) materials available to us. I certainly oppose the concoction of instant analyses at great distances. But some preliminary investigation should give us a much better picture than most of us have right now.

JB

There have been rumors about this for some time. Currently, press releases from the Bhutan group have only been available on the website of the CPN(M). There are many refugees from Bhutan currently in camps in Nepal, and it was there that many of them encountered Maoism. The word is also that many of them are ethnic Nepalis.

This overview seems to provide some basic information, and as with Nepal the main danger of outside military intervention is from India.

The country of Sikkim that sits right between Nepal and Bhutan was forcibly absorbed into India, in a process that is called "Sikkimization" – or the absorbtion of nations into the Indian state, or under their hegemony.

repeater

Chris,

My point, in saying that "this is an analysis and decision which should probably be left in the hands of those undertaking the analysis and organizing in Bhutan itself", was to say that those undertaking to risk there lives in such a way should be trusted overall to have taken the correct precautions and to have sized up the situation and their capacities better than we could.

This was in reference to my previous post which tried to engage zerohour's question about the Bhutanese revealing too much, and the implied questioning of the wisdom of doing so. My original post was meant to correct the idea that there are not times when you tell the enemy exactly what you're going to do, and that this approach is somehow always antithetical to security and success. The addendum was to clarify the level and tempo of analysis necessary to answer the question of timing a succesful uprising or PW. It is a day to day level of analysis in many respects. It is not a decision that we can make or are in a situation to second guess, regardless of how much we study the situation from afar.

At least some of the conditions, and the answers to your questions pointed towards Mazenov, are in the article above. For instance, you ask, "what are the military capacities of the Bhutanese state? What are the factors favoring or working against an Indian intervention? What are the prospects for the CPB(MLM) to effectively arm itself? What is the physical and political terrain of Bhutan like?" The above article states that India actually has tens of thousands of forces in Bhutan right now: "nearly 22 thousand security forces including the Royal Bhutan Army, Royal Bodyguard and Royal Bhutan Police. Approximately 20 thousand Indian Army personnel are currently stationed in Bhutan. The soldiers are said to be kept in Bhutan for military training, road construction and other development works." It also discusses the small amount of arms and training among the maoists, and their intention to develop these capacities through prosecuting PPW. It further points out the limited government control over the refugee camps and other areas of the country, some of this likely to be related to some physical geography features, and a general lack of development similar to Nepal.

Overall, it seems clear to me that it CAN be done, whether it should be done is an on-the-ground political judgement to be made by those forces risking their lives, who have the most intimate knowledge of both their own capacities and that of the state. We should, generally, have some faith that forces outlining such demands and making such statements know what they're doing. So we should support them at least as much as people support any such movement in the world. And we can wait for things to develop before reaching conclusions. That was my point.

I think of how ridiculous it would be for people in Bhutan, for instance, to tell us what's what in the U.S. based upon the thorough investigation of journal's and scholarly publications. And I think it's even more ridiculous coming from the other end. By analogy, I would ask what your first impressions were of the Zapatistas when they came out of the jungle in 1994, and to what extent you demanded at that time that "we need to school ourselves on the social and political situation there using the (scholarly, journalistic, etc...) materials available to us." Though you've certainly done that today, if you had required such a level of investigation in 1994, before making the decision to support them, you wouldn't have found much, and you would have missed the bigger political point.

You ask of AM: "What does it mean to say "the Bhutanese people have Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on their side"? What is the actual program of the CPB(MLM)? How well grounded is it in a correct analysis of the situation in Bhutan and the situation of Bhutan internationally?"

If you will permit me to answer, it means that the people of Bhutan have access to an ideology made concrete by an organization, which is capable of helping them to make sense of their situation and to radically change it via revolution. Do you think it means something else?

As to their particular program, we have a very basic outline in the article above, that is, an end to the Monarchy and a demand for a Republic. They intend to fight for this using some version of Protracted People's War.

As for your last question, I'm not entirely sure what level of analysis would satisfy you. The above article by an outside source suggests that it is grounded at least somewhat in the situation in South Asia, because someone found it worthy of discussion. If it was not at all grounded, and not at all relevant, no one would have bothered. But considering the state of things in Nepal and India, it shouldn't be too hard to imagine that both the demands and the ideology at the head of them are very grounded in the realities of South Asia. If we are to look at the situation from a political perspective, and not an academic perspective, we have to look at the Bhutanese maoists not as a force simply doing analysis of the situation and then creating some program to reflect that situation, but as a part of the situation itself. It doesn't get more grounded than that. And finally, we must choose sides. That is the real question here, and as always we don't have all the knowledge we would like to have in making that choice.

Chris writes: "we need to school ourselves on the social and political situation there using the (scholarly, journalistic, etc...) materials available to us."

No we don't. First of all, what scholarly, journalistic, etc. materials are you referring to? What makes you think they exist in any form which is readily accessible? Second of all, depending on what level of investigation and analysis would satisfy you, we could spend ridiculous amounts of time investigating Bhutan simply to be able to pronounce that the maoist organization there is, or is not, to our liking. Thirdly, the people living in Bhutan will have a grasp of things that you simply cannot pick up in any amount of reading. And with regards to studying a revolution in a country with 750,000 people, there are more pressing issues at hand. We have certain pressing responsibilities in making a analysis and political organization grounded in the situation in the U.S. with the capability of changing said situation. We will be of much more help to all the people and ideologies in the world fighting for liberation, if we accomplish something of this in the U.S.

Is it possible, Chris, that your problem is with the language of ideological commitment. The illusion that the academy, where ideological commitment is avoided or shunned, doesn't in fact have certain obvious ideological structures at work. You seem to assume that knowledge should be approached from an academic perspective and that we should avoid ideological commitment and the jargon, or as you call it in this instance, "maoist platitudes" that conveys this ideological commitment.

You may not like the maoist version, but we can't make a principle out of "non-ideological" discourse, and we should understand that anything new that we build will bring its own lexicon of jargon and platitudes. And that is not entirely bad.

Christopher Day

Repeater,

I have no problem with the language of political commitment. Or even jargon, which is a neccesity in many instances. As I said at the outset, I think this is an exciting development. And to be absolutely clear I think that it should be supported. I asusmed that was understood. My (admittedly grouchy) comment towards Andrei was not intended as an argument against supporting the CPB(MLM), but rather a response to the use of the language of commitment as a shortcut around hard questions. My problem is with the use of jargon that doesn't actually tell me anything even when I know what it "means." Whether Andrei's brief comment actually indicates a reluctance to deal with those questions I don't know, and perhaps I was unfair to a simple spirited expression of support. But I do know that it didn't tell me anything.

I read the article and found it informative as well. And I don't believe that a more in depth investigation should be a condition of expressing support, but I do think it is one of the tasks of anybody who expects or hopes to be doing such support a year from now.

When the Zapatista revolt broke out I moved quickly to support it in spite of very incomplete information. But I also began voraciously learning everything I could about the Zapatistas and the history of struggle in Chiapas and Mexico. Before I moved there my sources were neccesarily in the main scholarly and journalistic. And I continue to rely on such sources now, hopefully with greater discernment as a result of my personal observations. What I didn't do was declare the Zapatistas to be representatives of the working class or the peasantry or even the indigenous peoples of Mexico. Indeed I revolted against the anarchist movement's completely uncritical view of the magical powers of the Zapatista's ideology.

I am also in agreement that we should at the outset recognize that the CPB(MLM) knows a hell of a lot more about their situation than any of us. And I agree with your point about their decision to announce their intentions in advance. What I disagree with is the idea that we can learn all that we need to know about the situation by relying on CPB(MLM) for our information. I've read a lot of books that are essentially full-bore reactionary attacks on the Zapatistas that have done a lot to enrich my understanding of the situation there in ways that none of the more sympathetic literature ever could. I've also read stuff by journalists and academics wrongly convinced of the neutrality of their enterprise, but nonetheless useful in developing a well rounded understanding of the situation.

I'm unlikely to be able to devote the same degree of attention to Bhutan but I'm eager to read things written by other revolutionary-minded people who can. And ultimately that is what I hope to find when I come to places like this site.

Its true that I am an academic. That doesn't mean I accept "making a principle of 'non-ideological' discourse." But it does mean I appreciate in-depth scholarship and rebel against the facile. There isn't an ideology in the world that doesn't have its platitudes. what makes a platitude a platitude is not that it isn't true, but that it isn't interesting. Communists should be no more tolerant of their own than they are of anybody else's.

Deepak Adhikari

Thanks a lot for your thought-provoking comments. I'm the writer of this report and would always welcome your enriching observations.

Bhutan People's War has begun?

I know there have been rumblings about this in the last year but it appears that the revolution has now begun. Spread the word.

http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?&nid=136978

Bhutan Maoists launch armed struggle

BY UPENDRA POKHAREL

KAKADBHITTA, Feb 9 - A new offshoot of, Bhutan Communist Party Marxist-Leninist and Maoist (BCP-MLM), has declared armed struggle in Bhutan.

Issuing a press statement four days ago, the party also owned up the responsibility of the bomb blast in the southern district of Samchi on February 3 saying that "it was aimed at destroying election related documents of the government there".

Nearly ten months ago, the party had submitted a 13-point memorandum to the Druk government demanding multiparty democracy in place of the king's autocracy, repatriation of Bhutanese refugees and implementation of land reforms act, among others.

"We've launched a people's war with a view to wiping out Wangchuk's monarchy system which is similar to Hitler's, and to rebuild a new Bhutan," said the press release. The party also decided that real democracy in Bhutan was impossible until Wangchuk's government was removed.

"We are compelled to launch the armed struggle as the Bhutanese government, instead of fulfilling our valid 13-point demand, has started creating terror with the power of the gun and staging a drama of parliamentary election," said the release.

In the first week of January, the dissident group of the party had reportedly expelled its general secretary "Bikalpa" for being "uncooperative, communal and opportunistic" and had announced formation of a new group with the new secretary "Birat". At that time, the party had also informed that it was preparing to launch armed struggle in Bhutan before the national assembly election slated for March.

As per its first-phase program, the party will launch special military operation, take action against "feudal elements", and destroy the government's physical infrastructure in village areas. The new settlements in the Bhutanese people's lands will also be evacuated, the statement added.

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